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Фрэнк Крозье в Литве
voencomuezd wrote in ru_interbellum
Оригинал взят у voencomuezd в Фрэнк Крозье в Литве
Нашел на гугл-букс отрывки из книги Broken Sword: The Tumultuous Life of General Frank Crozier 1897-1937. Фрэнк Крозье - известный человек. Доброволец британской армии, воевал в Африке - Нигерия, Зулуленд и так далее. В Первую мировую - генерал, командующий ирландскими частями. Ветеран Соммы. После войны - командующий "черно-пегими" карателями в мятежной Ирландии. В 1930-е годы (внезапно!) пацифист.
Меня, в общем-то, заинтересовал только отрывочек, когда он был военным инспектором в Литве в 1919-1920 гг. Скачал с гугл-букса с помощью программы, что можно, посмотрел. Мда, негусто. Вкратце, в 1919 г. литовцы прислали в Версаль пожелание прислать им британских офицеров для организации армии - потому что своих не было. Крозье, который как раз прозябал после войны, узнав об этом, тут же вызвался добровольцем и сагитировал поехать с собой еще кучу друзей-фронтовиков, которые уже побывали в России на Северном фронте. Среди прочих с ним поехал некий ирландский офицер "C.E.G. Nye", который был демобилизован в январе 1919 г., но в июне отправлен в Россию как... "эксперт по газовому оружию". Так Корзье набрал 16 человек, а потом принял еще трех пилотов из Славяно-британского легиона - новозеландца, валийца, британского гвианца, - и еще одного авиатора, не служившего в России, для полноты.
По прибытии Фрэнк поступил в подчинение британского представителя Литве Ричарду Уорду. Так как Фрэнк приехал по личной инициативе, то особой свободы ему никто и не дал. Тем более, что он хотел добиться сотрудничества литовской и латышской армий, на что в столицах Первого мира смотрели без особого энтузиазма. Сам Фрэнк говорил про литовскую армию все то же самое, что говорят про все отсталые армии - хорошие солдаты и тупые офицеры. Причину он видел в том, что в России католиков не двигали по службе, а так литовцы - католики, то вот поэтому среди них мало квалифицированных офицеров.
Позабавило, что подполковник Уорд на службе в основном... бухал. И ходил по бабам. За что получил кличку Rasputin. Однажды на празднике у всех на глазах встал, спокойно взял даму за руку и повел наверх. Чисто британская вежливость))
Еще когда в последний день 1919 года в Каунас прибыл американский легион литовских добровольцев, литовское правительство потребовало влить его в армию, расформировав как единую часть. То, что американские литовцы в большинстве даже литовского не знали, никого не заботило. Им бы еще статус "не-гражданина" дали))
Да в общем-то и все.Об организации литовской армии больше ничего. В основном дальше - про интриги британцев друг против друга и взаимные обвинения в денежных злоупотреблениях.
Под катом текст оригинала. Желающие легко найдут саму книгу на гугл-букс.

As demobilisation took an ever firmer hold, Frank departed in late February for a few days in Brussels and Cologne. Me was horrified by what he saw: 'Brussels is an orgy of vice in which many British soldiers join.1 Cologne was little better, with girls trading their bodies for food. It caused him to tighten up discipline on his return. Indeed, he had already been concerned over the rise in the incidence of venereal disease among his men and had told his commanding officers to provide lectures and 'every convenient and reliable means of protection and sterilisation.*" Soon after he returned, 40th Division was reduced to virtually cadre strength. Indeed, on 24 March Sir William Peyton relinquished command of the division and it was retitled 40lh Division Cadres, with Frank appointed to command them. But this new appointment lasted a mere three weeks and on 14 April he apparently flew, rather than going by sea, back to England.* I le had previously turned down the offer of command of a battalion on the Rhine on the grounds that he hoped to obtain a post in Palestine, but stated that he would be happy with a battalion command at home. As it happened, the commanding officer of the 3rd (Reserve) Battalion the Welsh Regiment had died suddenly. This was Alexander Pope, who had commanded the 12th South Wales Borderers during the first few months of Frank's time in command of 119 Brigade. He had had an attack of septic bronchitis in November 1917 and then suffered another attack, which killed him.' The Military Secretary's branch therefore proposed that Frank succeed him, especially since he had had command of Welsh troops and was used to them. The Adjutant-General's branch agreed and so, nine days after leaving 40th Division, Frank took over the battalion.x It had spent the second half of the war as part of the Tees Garrison in north-east England, but had now moved down to Chatham and was under Thames & Mcdway Garrison. Frank clearly did not enjoy his time there, since it was largely taken up with dealing with the unrest triggered by the poorly-conceived demobilisation policy. The one bright spot was a visit to Buckingham Palace to be invested with the three orders that he had been awarded during the war. His final task was to take the battalion back to Cardiff, where it was dismantled.

It was now late July and Frank was out of a job, although he had been granted the honorary rank of brigadier general. True, while still at Chatham he had applied for a post in the police force being created to take care of the newly-created League of Nations mandate of Palestine, writing that St is a country possessing opportunities suitable to my temperament.'The Colonial Office was sufficiently interested to ask the War Office for further details on him, but that was as far as it went." He also proposed himself for command of a Territorial Brigade, but that, too, was turned down. Clearly he was getting short of money, since he asked the War Office for an advance on his war gratuity, but again he met with a rebuff.1" Matters then took a more promising turn.

In June 1919 it was announced that the French had conferred the Croix tie Guerre** on him and an invitation arrived to go to Paris to receive it in person from General

This is what he stated on his disembarkation form (TNA WO 374/16997), but in Brasshat p240 he says that he took the leave boat from Boulogne and implies the same in Impressions and Recollections, p240. He therefore may have been being flippant on the form. He was mentioned in despatches yet again in Haig's final despatch (London Gazette 5 July 1919). Crozier himself claimed that his Croix de Guerre was avec Palme, but this is not reflected in the London Gazette (19 June 1919).

Stales under Lt Col Stephen 'Fallen ts, who had been badly wounded in 1915 while serving with the Irish Guards and had been seconded to the Ministry of Munitions and then Food. A further mission was headed by General Sir Hubert Gough, the sometime commander of the Fifth Army. His task was to represent the Allies in both Finland and the Baltic States, advising on how best these countries could withstand the Germans on one hand and the Bolsheviks on the other. While he did have some success in getting von der Goltz to withdraw his forces, the White Russians in the area saw this as removing a valuable weapon in their war against the Bolsheviks. Indeed, this enmity eventually led to the withdrawal of Gough's mission in October 1919 and its replacement by an Allied mission led by the Frenchman General Henri-Albert Niessel, with Brigadier General A.J. Turner as the senior British officer, and tasked with removing the German presence from the Baltic states.

It was the Lithuanians who found themselves in the worst position. The Poles had taken their capital Vilnius and the surrounding territory, there was the threat from von der Goltz, although the Germans had paid them some much-needed money as reparations, and that from the Bolsheviks. They also enjoyed an uneasy relationship with Latvia and Estonia. They had raised an army and a small air arm (equipped mainly with German aircraft), but were desperately short of equipment. Like the other Baltic states, they sent a delegation to Versailles early in 1919, but were frustrated by the fact that the Allies would not give full recognition to the state. They also distrusted the French, whom they suspected, quite rightly, of being pro-Polish, and looked to the British for material help. The British, though, were unwilling to do this, given their other post-war commitments. The only brightness lay in the United States, where Lithuanian expatriates began to organise a legion to go to Lithuania to fight for its secure independence. They received no backing from the US government, however, and so a plan was hatched for these volunteers to go to Canada, masquerading as labourers, and from there to sail to Riga in Latvia.12 The Lithuanians needed experienced officers to help train and organise their infant army, however. Given their suspicion of the French, they decided to recruit British officers.

While in France, Frank probably heard that the Lithuanians were looking for British officers to help them organise their armed forces and wrote to their delegation to the Peace Conference, but it was the Foreign Office which officially informed him of the fact. Thereafter events moved very rapidly. On 11 September, and back in London, he wrote to Kazys Bizauskis of the Lithuanian delegation to London. 4 desire to join the English speaking Legion, now being formed for service in Lithuania, in any capacity.' I Ic gave a brief resume of his Great War service, adding a short record of his military service on a separate sheet. This stated that he had served throughout the South African War and repeated the myth that he had taken part in crushing the 1900 Ashanti revolt, although he said that this was in 1901. He also claimed not to have left the British Army until 1912 and to have served in northern Nigeria until 1907. He included Peyton's very favourable January 1919 report on him and ended his letter: 4 can bring many good officers and men with me, with whom I am in close touch, and who have served under me.1 He added a PS: *I have raised troops all over the world for 20 years."' I lis offer seems to have been taken up immediately and on 19 September Frank was back in Paris to be enrolled as a brigadier general on the Lithuanian General Staff. He also had to swear an oath of allegiance to 'support andplanned to employ him to run the London end of the operation. Accordingly, he set up an office in the Lithuanian delegation's premises at 14 Cornwall Gardens, London SW7.20 Frank also enlisted other former members of his battalion. Among them were Stephen Lynch, who had spent the last part of the war as a prisoner of war,-"1 and Philip Woods, Frank's second-in-command in the 9th Royal Irish Rifles. On Frank's elevation to brigade command. Woods had been promoted to command the battalion, but fell foul of General Oliver Nugent during the Third Battle of Ypres in summer 1917 and had then commanded a reserve battalion of his regiment at home. lie volunteered for service in Russia and found himself commanding a battalion of Karelians involved in driving a mixed force of Germans and Finns out of part of Karelia. Indeed, he found himself in Lithuania a bare two weeks after returning home. Others, too, joined Frank after seeing service in Russia. One was Charles Doweling, who had originally been commissioned as a Kitchener volunteer into the Somerset Light Infantry in September 1914 and rose to command a battalion of the North Staftbrds, earning two DSOs and an MC along the way.2? Another was C.E.G. Nye MC, who had served in the Special Brigade RE for much of the war. Although demobilised in January 1919, he was recalled to the colours that June and sent to Russia as a gas warfare expert. He would perform the same role in Lithuania.'5 The Russia veterans were probably attractive to Frank for two reasons. First, they had hopefully developed some understanding of that part of the world, and secondly they had picked up a smattering of the Russian language, which many Lithuanians spoke.

Frank's team would eventually consist of sixteen officers, but he would also take an additional five individuals partially under his wing. They were under a separate contract to create a fully operational Lithuanian air force. Their leader was New Zealander Roderick Carr. He had originally been in the Royal Naval Air Service and had commanded No. 2 Slavo-British Squadron, which had a mix of Russian and British pilots. He would be gazetted with a DFC for his work in Russia while in Lithuania. Joining him was a Welshman, Parccll Rccs Bowcn, who had served with the 5th W'elsh Regiment on Gallipoli and Palestine. He had then transferred to the machine-gun corps before joining the Royal Flying Corps as an observer. He continued to serve in Palestine, winning an MC and DFC, before returning home in January 1919 suffering from venereal disease. After his recovery he flew with No. 3 Slavo-British Squadron, earning a bar to his DFC.24 Another observer, also with service in Russia, was Joseph Esebius Pereira, who was domiciled in British Guiana and had served in the ranks of the ASC (MT) in Mesopotamia before being commissioned and then serving in Egypt and Aden with the RAF.2"1 Carr also had another British pilot, Alfred Saunders, who had achieved twelve victories flying with No. 60 Squadron on the Western Front in 1918, winning a vvcll-dcscrvcd DFC, and this in spite of having smashed his face the previous summer in a plane crash in England.2" He had not served in Russia, but the final member of Carr's team had, although he was not an aviator.

Warsaw correspondent that same day stating that 'demobilised officers* had arrived to train the Lithuanian Army, presumably referring to the advance party, and on the following Saturday it noted Frank's arrival, reporting that 'other officers of high rank are leaving London shortly lor Lithuania to help General Crozier.' Yet neither the Foreign Office nor the War Office saw* fit to warn Tallents and Turner. Indeed, on 31 October General Turner telegrammed the War Office stating that Colonel Henry Rowan-Robinson, his man in Kovno, had reported Frank's arrival and asked: Ts this officer part of a British mission, and have I any authority over him? If not, what arc our respective roles?11' Not, however, until 11 November didTallents's representative in Lithuania, Lt Col Richard Ward AFC, report Frank's arrival.!xThere was, however, no immediate guidance from London as to how Frank and his officers were to be treated.

The next group of Frank's officers arrived in mid-November. They were led by another redoubtable warrior, Lt Col H.S.J.L. Hemming DSO. Originally commissioned into the East Lancashire Regiment in 1900 he had served in the South African War and then Somaliland prior to resigning his commission in 1906 and settling in South Africa. At the outbreak of war in 1914 he joined the South African Forces, taking part in the crushing of the initial rebellion by the Boers and then in the German South-West Africa campaign. At the end of 1915 he went with the South African Brigade to Egypt, where he lost an arm during the February 1916 Battle of Aqaqir against the Scnussi. Undeterred, Hemming went with the brigade to France and was again wounded during the Somme lighting. He also took part in the Third Battle of Yprcs and was gassed. He finished the war commanding the South African Reserve Battalion.39

Frank, in the meantime, had already set to work. Colonel Tallents set out to visit Kovno from Riga on the night of 31 October. He had an adventurous journey, first suffering a broken axle to his car and then nearly losing his life when attempting to cross a bridge, the central section of which had been blown by the Bolsheviks, at 30mph. Luckily the supporting beams of the bridge were still intact and it was on these that the car came to rest. He eventually reached Kovno on the evening of 2 November. He met Ward and Rowan-Robinson and came into contact with Frank for the first time. The two clearly hit it off and, with Rowan-Robinson, agreed a plan of action. The first essential was that Lithuania and Courland be cleared of German and Russian troops. If the worst came to the worst the Poles would be allowed to intervene, but only if Memel was occupied and the Lithuanians provided with equipment, cither through Poland or purchased from General Bcrmondt's so-called Western Russian Army. This had originally been raised to fight the Bolsheviks, but in autumn 1919 combined with von dcr Goltz and attacked Latvia, but was repulsed. Tallents telegrammed these views to London while he was still in Kovno, but in his report written after his trip he also stated: 'I also arranged with General Crozier that I would try to bring about a military conference between the Lettish and Lithuanian commands. General Crozier obtained agreement of the Lithuanian Prime Minister to this conference.'40 The Foreign Office sent a copy of this report to the War Office, which expressed concern over Frank's involvement in setting up the Latvian-Lithuanian conference. In a letter to the Foreign Office dated 18 December 1919 Bertram Cubitt, the Under-Secretary of State for War, wrote:

In view of the fact that General Crozier proceeded to Lithuania in a purely private capacity, and has severed his connection with His Majesty's Forces, I am to suggest that His Majesty's Commissioner for the Baltic States and His Majesty's Minister in Warsaw might be instructed that in dealing with General Crozier, care should be taken to avoid giving the impression that he is one of the British Military Representatives or in British Service. It seems important that in any official dealings with him he should be regarded and treated simply as an officer in the Lithuanian Army.41

In other words, Tallcnts and Sir Horace Rumbold, the minister in Warsaw, were being told to keep Frank at arm's length.

However, Frank would have been cheered by a report in The Times of 9 December. It stated that progress was being made in training the Lithuanian Army and that the cooperation between the Latvians and Lithuanians, which was now being achieved, was 'a triumph for the British Diplomatic Mission and for General Crozier and his staff, who have pressed the cooperation point of view on the Governments of both countries.' He was also working hard to reform and equip the Lithuanians, but it was an uphill struggle. As he himself wrote in Impressions and Recollections: 'The Lithuanian private soldier was, and is, "a first-class fighting man," but he was atrociously led. His generals and colonels knew nothing about tactics, and cared nothing for their men.'42 Much of the problem apparently lay in the fact that in the old imperial Russian Army few Roman Catholics were allowed into the higher echelons. Lithuania was, and is, a staunchly Roman Catholic country, and hence Lithuanians in the Russian Army had been restricted to the lower ranks. Consequently, according to Frank, 'the higher posts [in the Lithuanian Army] were rilled by patriotic Lithuanians who lacked military training for those posts.'41 It was not helped by the fact that the commander-in-chief, General Pranas Liatukas, 'let the discipline of the army steadily deteriorate and had no personal touch with the army,' according to Colonel Ward.44 Frank, too, later claimed that Liatukas resented his presence and schemed against him.45 Nevertheless, both Frank and Rowan Robinson made several visits to the Lithuanian Military School, which had been established early in 1919 to provide officer training.41'

By Christmas 1919 another problem had arisen for Frank and his officers, and a much more serious one. Colonel Ward again;

The Lithuanian Government realised very soon after engaging these officers it would be very hard to find the money to pay them, and as the mark steadily

declined in value and these officers were to be paid in sterling at British rates of pay, the situation of course became continuously worse. No pay was forthcoming and from Christmas onwards General Crozier refused to send his officers out to the outlying districts of Lithuania to continue their work. That meant, of course, that all the officers had been in Kovno doing little or nothing, which apparent idleness naturally the Lithuanian Government was not likely to explain away to its own disadvantage.

To illustrate the point. Ward stated that Frank was earning 50,000 marks monthly, while his Lithuanian major general counterpart received a mere 1,800 marks. He put the blame on both sides; the Lithuanians for failing to take the cost into account when engaging the team, and Frank lor not being more conciliatory once he realised that they could not afford such a large team on the agreed rates of pay. General Turner, in another report written at the same time, felt that Frank had been reasonable in refusing to negotiate until the Lithuanian government had paid his people up to date, which it eventually did in early February. It was thereafter agreed that all British officers, apart from Frank and two others, were to be withdrawn, and four new-officers recruited in England, but at reduced rates of pay, which would also apply to the three remaining in Lithuania. Thus Frank's monthly pay would be reduced from £135 to just under £42. Those whose services were no longer required would receive an additional month's pay in lieu. This agreement did not, however, initially apply to Major Carr and his team, Colonel Ward also noted that Colonel Reboul of the French military mission had offered to replace the British team in its entirety at no expense to the Lithuanians, but that they had declined the offer.47

But if Frank was having difficulties with the Lithuanian government, so were the American Lithuanians. An advance party arrived in Kaunas on the last day of 1919. They found that the Lithuanians were insistent that the US Lithuanian Legion be broken up and its men distributed among Lithuanian Army units. The fact that the vast majority of them had been brought up in the USA and did not speak Lithuanian was of no account in breaking up the Legion. Eventually only some 700 US volunteers actually travelled to the country, many of the others clearly put off by the Lithuanian refusal to allow them to fight as one body.

Money may have been the main reason why Frank's mission was failing. But the behaviour of some of his officers was also ruffling Lithuanian feathers. lie himself admitted that some sent out were 'of the wrong type'.48 This is supported by a handwritten Foreign Office minute dated 7 September 1920. The author, whose signature cannot be deciphered, was reporting on a meeting he had had with Count Tyszkicwicz, who had taken over as the Lithuanian representative in London. The latter complained about British personnel who had been in Lithuania during the past two years. In particular he mentioned 'the 40 [sic] officers with General Crozier', a commercial agent, and Colonel Ward, who at the time was still in Lithuania. According to the Foreign Office official, the Count had said 'the behaviour of nearh all of these had been "deplorable". The officers had been dishonest - cheques disallowed and so on.' As for Ward, 'he is constantly drunk and given up to debauchery to such an extent that the Lithuanians are now completely scandalised.' Only Ward was of Foreign Office concern, since he was on an official mission sponsored by them, but a

subsequent investigation ol his behaviour tound nothing to support the Lithuanian accusations.49 Yet Major General R.B. Pargiter, who at the time was serving as a captain under Rowan-Robinson, supported the Lithuanian view. Apart from the problem of" Frank's mission being paid at British rates, 4he officers had been hastily recruited and were not of high standard.' As for Ward:

... [He] had gained the nickname Rasputin because of his insatiable sexual appetite. I Ic certainly was an extraordinary type. I remember on one occasion in the middle of one of his own dinner parties, he suddenly rose and took the lady of his choice upstairs, reappearing in due course as if nothing had happened, although the lady looked a trifle embarrassed. And the rest of his staff took their cue from him.50

Frank himself later wrote that his officers were 'a queer collection' and that only two were Absolutely reliable', Muirhead and Mills.51
Frank was also continuing to have problems with scheming by the Lithuanian hierarchy. He recounted that on 5 January 1920 he arrived in Riga for a conference with representatives of the Great Powers. On arrival he heard that Dvinsk had been captured by the Poles and Letts. This took him by surprise, since the Lithuanians should have been involved in the attack. The reason they were not was because there was evidence that they were trading with the Bolsheviks. What had actually happened was that a Lithuanian regimental commander, acting on the authority of General Liatukas, the commander-in-chief, had given safe passage through the lines to a Jewish convoy laden with boots, medicines, and a considerable quantity of roubles. Certain individuals were clearly feathering their own nests, but Frank's efforts to have them purged were in vain.52

In terms of slimming down the team, Jim Newton had already been stood down on 1 January. Dowding, too, had left Kovno on 12 January. The mysterious Millard left at the beginning of February and on the 9th of the month a further nine officers departed. They were followed on 19 February by Major John Hibbert MC. He had been taken on as the ordnance expert, having served much of the war in the Army Ordnance Department, and while visiting a Lithuanian ammunition depot on 8 January 1920 had been injured in an explosion which necessitated the amputation of his right foot. Rowan-Robinson had presided over a subsequent court of enquiry that established that Hibbert was in no way to blame and the Lithuanians subsequently awarded him £500 as compensation. This left just Frank, Muirhead and Woods. Major Carr and his team were also still at work, although Saunders had left since he had to attend a medical board back in Britain. An indication of how Frank was thinking at the time is revealed in a letter he sent to Brigadier General Thomas Hickman, who had been inspector general of the UVF and then commander of 109 Brigade until May 1916. He was now Unionist MP for Wolverhampton South and Frank was clearly looking to his future. Dated 13 February, Frank wrote:

Frank had apparently been working hard since he arrived in Lithuania to get Zukauskas made commander-in-chief.56 Yet now that he was finally in post, hopes that Frank might be able to provide worthwhile assistance to the Lithuanian Army were quickly dashed. The government was not prepared to grant him the powers that he wanted and Zukauskas, not being a member of the Lithuanian cabinet, could do nothing.57 Consequently, Frank and his remaining officers felt that they had no option but to resign, which they did on 1 March. Major Carr and his team resigned at the same time. Frank's view was that, in spite of Carr - 'an excellent fellow' -there had been problems with the Lithuanian air arm from the outset. lie blamed much of this on Tom Macfie, 'who I believed exercised a baneful influence over the whole Corps and some of my other officers. Through the machinations of Macfie the British connection with the Flying Corps was broken up.'™ Frank and Tom Macfie would, however, work together, and even more closely, in the near future. Frank departed Lithuania immediately, but he left Anthony Muirhead in Kovno for a few more weeks 'to report progress'. Apparently, Muirhead told him that the Lithuanians were convinced that they had been conned over the mission's pay.59

Once back in London, Frank was not afraid to voice his view's on the situation in the Baltic States. Me saw Cecil Ilarmsworth at the Foreign Office and also addressed the House of Commons Services Committee, stating that the Allies had to settle the question of Poland's frontiers and see that Memel and 'Little Lithuania' were incorporated with Lithuania."" lie also thought that the Lithuanians might want him back. On 21 April he wrote from Bootle, near Liverpool, where he was staying, to Mr J.D. Gregory at the Foreign Office:

As I have been out of Town for some time I am rather out of touch with the Lithuanian Legation & cannot get any definite policy out of them regarding their ideas regarding myself. Tyszkicwicz keeps saving that they want me back but I do not trust them. I do not want to lose touch with that fascinating part of the world, if I can help it. Can you help me, either by probing the Lithuanians for information or getting me out under the F.O. to some part of Russia?

He finished by pointing out that his kit was still in Libau, as was Ethel, who had apparently gone there 'on the advice of the Lithn [sic] War Minister.' This was Antanas Merkys, who had taken over the post in mid-March. Frank had apparently sent her and Mary there when the abortive revolution took place in Lithuania. Be that as it may, Gregory was in no hurry to deal with Frank's request and did not contact Count Tyszkicwicz until 19 May. In his reply, the Count expressed 'astonishment at General Crozier's request' since he had already written to Frank stating that he had been in touch with his government. On 26 May he saw Gregory in person and told him that he thought Frank's request 'odd' and remarked that, in any event, 'the General was now more concerned in political & commercial matters than military.* He also did not expect an early reply from the Lithuanian government.''1 There matters rested, although a report in The Times of 9 July did state that Frank had received an invitation to return to Lithuania, but had declined it.

That Frank became interested in commercial matters is supported by a letter he wrote to Oliver Harvey at the Foreign Office in early July. He asked that the British government intercede on behalf of a syndicate which was interested in buying up large timber estates in Estonia and Latvia, since their respective governments were blocking the deal. Л question was also asked in the House of Commons of the Secretary for Overseas Trade. In both cases the answer was that it was purely a matter for the Estonians and Latvians and the British government declined to be involved."2 Meanwhile, Ethel and Mary had remained stranded in Libau. According to Mary's later recollections, Ethel had refused to return to Britain by train because she had been put off by the incidents on the Lithuanian border on their journey out. They eventually ran out of money and ended up on the beach, where a local baroness took pity on them and provided them with black bread and milk to subsist on. With the help of some British sailors and the local consul they managed to get on board a refugee ship and eventually reached London. Here they were given shoes and food by the Salvation Army and ended up staying in a vicarage, maintained by funds supplied by the family solicitor."*' Frank makes no mention of this in his writings and nothing else exists in the Foreign Office files on the dilemma that Ethel and Mary found themselves in. Thus, if Mary's memory is correct, it would seem that Frank did little to extract them and the indication is that he had finally broken with Ethel, perhaps on account of her behaviour in Lithuania.

While Frank's connection with Lithuania was now finally severed, there was still one loose end to be tidied up. During their time in Lithuania, Anthony Muirhead had kept an official diary and, on his return to Britain in April, Frank asked him to send the diary and some other papers to Cecil Harmsworth. Muirhead duly did this and nothing more was heard until Frank wrote to Gregory in late May asking for the diary to be returned to him. Gregory denied that the diary had ever reached the Foreign Office. Frank persisted and eventually got Muirhead to write to the Foreign Office, enclosing a copy of an acknowledgement of receipt of the diary from Harmsworth. Finally, in November 1920, the Foreign Office was forced to admit that it had lost it."4 By this time Frank was deeply involved in another challenge.


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